2 Kasım 2014 Pazar

1st November: International day for Kobani in Diyarbakır*


There were thousands of people in the demonstration.
Diyarbakır, the Kurdish city in which at least 13 people had been killed in the protests for Kobani on 6-7 October, had another demonstration, but peacefully this time, on the International Day for Kobani, today.

As it is known, hundreds of well-known writers, academics and performers had made a call for 1st November to be declared a day for global solidarity with Kobani. This calling had sounded all over the world and preparations for that day had been made. Today, in many different cities all around the world demonstrations took place to act in solidarity with the resistance of Kobani. The aims of those demonstrations were also to get more global attention to the happening in Kobani and more aid for the people and fighters fighting against jihadists IS(IS) militants.

People who didn't join the marching
 also greeted the demonstators.
There were also demonstrations in which thousands were joining in Turkish cities such as Istanbul, Ankara, İzmir, Adana, Mersin. There were also demonstrations in pre-dominantly Kurdish cities in Turkey. Mardin, Şırnak, Siirt, Ağrı, Dersim (Tunceli) Urfa, Hakkari were the cities in which Kurdish people stood up for Kobani. For the same purposes, in Diyarbakır, the biggest Kurdish city in Turkey, a demonstration took place with thousands of people joining in. Contrary to the demonstrations on 6-7th October, this one passed peacefully.

Abdullah Ocalan's posters were carried.
In the demonstration, people waving YPG’s flag and YDG-H’s flama, and carrying Abdullah Ocalan’s poster while they shouted slogans such as “Long live the Resistance of Kobani” and “Kurdistan will be the grave for ISIS”.

In the demonstration the Co-chair of the Diyarbakır branch of DBP (Democratic Party of Regions) Zubeyde Zümrüt; Nursel aydogan, MP of HDP (Democratic Party of People’s) and Co-major of Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality Fırat Anlı held speeches.

Criticizing the ruler party AKP’s (Justice and Development Party) policy and president Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s statementes about Kobani in her speech, Zubeyde Zumrut said that “Everyone knows who support the IS(IS)” and added “The resistance in Kobani is legimate, and it is humanistic. This resistance is for the honour of humanity”.

Saying that millions of people all around the world are now standing up to be with resistance of Kobani Fırat Anlı, the Co-major of Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality, continued in his speech with “We know Mahabad with Qadî Mihemed, we remember Halabja with the genocide and know Shengal with the genocide, too. But we do not want to remember Kobani again with another genocide”.  He also geeted everyone who acts in solidarity with Kobani. Nursel Aydogan, the MP of HDP also greeted the YPG/YPJ fighters and also Peshmerga forces who crossed to Kobani the night before.

The demonstration ended without any problems. But later on, it is said that some people had been arrested related to demonstration in some neighbourhoods of Bağlar district.



Attendants made line beetwen police and demonstrators
 not to let any troubles occur.


Kobani is honour of humanity.









Diyarbekir


For Kurdish version: http://basnews.com/ku/News/Details/Li-Diyarbekir---Roja-Koban--ya-C-han--/40702


©Necat Keskin

30 Ekim 2014 Perşembe

A Starting point towards ‘unification’ between Kurds: Peshmerga to Kobani

Peshmerga went to Kobanî through Kurdish cities in Turkey.
Kobanê, the city which has been besieged by IS(IS) militants for 45 days, is already a(nother) symbol for the Kurds’ union. What happened in Shengal was a rather disappointing case for some Kurds –at least at the beginning-because of the withdrawal of Peshmerga forces. Many Yazidi Kurds had to leave the land where they had lived for thousands of years. Many of them had been killed by extremist jihadist IS(IS) militants, some of the elderly and children died on the way because of hunger and thirst. Then YPG/HPG guerillas together with Peshmerga forces fought back the jihadist and were able to save some places and people. Even though there were some small collaborative practices, Kurdish organizations and parties still seemed not to be very keen on improving this collaboration and were blaming each other for this.

Before the Kurds got over the Shengal process and what happened around that- displaced people, taking care of them etc.- Kobane, the city in a Kurdish region in Syria (Rojava), had been attacked by IS(IS) militants. In the beginning, PYD and the YPG forces probably thought that they would force the jihadists to withdraw in a few days. On the other hand, according to statements by its newly elected president R. Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey wanted to play ‘deaf and blind’ about what happened in Kobane. In addition, there were allegations that Turkey was helping jihadists.

The more the resistance of the Kurdish militants grew, the higher the number of displaced and immigrant people from Kobane, and the longer Turkey’s silence and inaction continued, the more intense became the anger among Kurds. In addition to the actions undertaken by Kurds, the solidarity actions for Kobane got wider all around the world.

Kurdish YPG/YPJ militants’ ‘unexpected’ –(in the sense of what the neighboring country, especially Turkey, was thinking) resistance and not letting the city fall down, grew thoughts about unification –at least collaboration-, which Kurdish people already had, among different Kurdish groups and parties. After attempts from Kurdistan Regional Goverment and its president Masoud Barzani, coaliton forces started to bomb the jihadists’ bases and eased the Kurdish YPG/YPJ forces defending Kobane for 45 days. The rest is known. Meetings and negotiations between different political parties from Rojava in Dohuk, led by KRG’s president Masoud Barzani, and an agreement on how the governance should be in Rojava. 
Peshmerga's passing excited the Kurds in those cities.

There was also an agreement about Peshmerga forces going to Kobane with the heavy weapons to fight with jihadist IS(IS) militants. Peshmerga forces had to use Turkey’s land to cross Kobane. But as the President had already stated, Turkey’s first option was members of the Free Syrian Army, not Peshmerga. After negotiations about how many Peshmerga forces should cross, and which route they should use, yesterday (28.10.2014) a small group of Peshmerga left Arbil for Kobane.  Hearing this news excited Kurds in Turkey and flooded -so to say- to Khabur gate between Turkey and Kurdistan Regional Goverment in Silopi, district of Şırnak Province, to welcome them.

Kurdish women on the Silk Roaf waiting for the Peshmerga
with red-green-yellow flamas and  Abdullah Ocalan's poster.
The story of enthusiasm of Kurds for collaboration between Kurdish political parties or powers starts just here. First they have been waiting for a long time, even from yesterday night to welcome the Peshmerga forces at the border. They were so crowded that Turkey which did not want to face with another ‘crisis’ like the one in 2009 when some PKK’s guerillas had came to Turkey for the ‘peace process’, delayed Peshmerga forces’ passing.


When a symbolic amount of Peshmerga forces passed the Khabur gate there were Kurds waiting for them from the night and welcomed them with waving the Kurdistan Regional Goverment’s official flags and also PKK’s, YPG’s flags and the imprisoned Kurdish leader, Abdullah Ocalan’s, poster. The scene was the same every route they passed. Thousands of Kurds were on both sides of the road also known as ‘Silk Road’, waving the red-green-yellow flags, flamas, and the vehicles also beeped to greet the people waiting to welcome and greet Peshmerga.

Once again, Kurds showed their enthusiasm about the ‘unification’ of Kurds, truely saying Kurdish Political Organizations, if not at least colloboration between them. Nusaybin, in which the photos are taken, is also a distrcit on the ‘Silk Road’ and was on the road of passing Peshmerga. Thousands of people started gathering on the road as soon as they heard that peshmerga forces had left Cizre. One old women were saying that her three sons were guerillas and two of them already martyr, and added that she was there because they (Peshmerga) were also Kurds and going to fight for freedom like her sons did. So she was there to welcome them, to greet them. Another man was quoting that ‘today is a historical day for Kurds, because brothers are going to Kobani for helping their brothers’. The other man next to him were ironicly speaking ‘today our repuclic festival’ referring to anniversary official founding day of the Repuclic of Turkey which is 29th of October.

Some man with KRG's official flag.

Another was saying that he had come from Batman, another Kurdish city which is 130 km’s far from Nusaybin, to welcomed the Peshmerga forces.

It was so crowded that convoy could hardly proceed.
And then their convoy showed with the Turkish police escorting them. But people did not care about the police and their calling ‘please keep away from convoy’. People were waving flags and flamas, shouted slogans such as ‘Long live the resistance of Kobane, Long Live the Resistance of Peshmerga’. Women were praying for them saying ‘may God let you be successful’. 

Youths were trying to have pictures with Peshmerga, someone just wanted to shake their hand. Peshmerga seemed also so excited, some of them were replying the slogans just with the victory signs, while other were busy with taking pictures of this historic moment with their mobile phones. From one side of Nusaybin till the other it is around 2-3 km’s, and it took their convoy more than one hour to pass Nusaybin. This is just a clue for you to imagine the scene in Nusaybin.


And most probably there will be the same scenes all the way till Suruç (Pirsus in Kurdish), a district of Urfa, and also till Kobani.

The peshmerga forces are a symbolic amount which consist of just 150 people with some heavy weapons but their effect is much more than that. Their going to help the resister of Kobani, the fighter of YPG/YPJ forces means much more to all Kurds. It can be a starting point for ‘unification’ or at least colloboration, which Kurds have already shown, between Kurdish political parties.

29.10.2014


Nisêbîn /Mêrdîn

Some more pictures from the Peshmerga passing from Nîsêbîn (Nusaybin in Turkish).


Youths were in front of the convoy.



Women along with the convoy..














People accompanied Peshmerga's convoy until the exit of the city.


And some followed the convoy with their otomobiles...

© Necat Keskin 2014

29 Ekim 2014 Çarşamba

‘Netewebûn’ û daxuyaniya polûtburoya YNK*

Em kin kut bikin. Kurd hîna di prosesa netewebûnê de ne. Ev sed sale kurd di nav dewletên ku tê de dijîn di nav tevgereke ji bo mafê xweyî ‘netewî’ bidestbixin de ne. Lê dîsa jî ev sed sale ku hîna jî ji ‘proseyê’ derbas nebune.

Netewebûn, her çiqasî li ser niqaş hebin jî ji kêmasî ve dikare wek ‘hesteke ku li ser axekê, kesên hev nasnakin, hevdu nabînin, dan û sitandina wan tevde tuneye jî bi hevdu re girê dide’ were binavkirin. Ev ‘hest’ çiqasî xurt û geş be mirov ew qasî dikare wan kesên li ser wê axê wek ‘neteweyek’ bi nav bike. Ev tişt, herweha, di serdema ‘modern’ de bi ‘dewletbûn’ê ve jî girêdayiye. Gelo xwedî dewletbûn ‘netewe’ ava dike an ‘netewebûn’ dewletê bi xwe re tîne? Ev jî tişteke ku gelek zanyaran li ser fikir û ramanên xwe gotine û nivîsandine.

Rewşa Kurdan jî di rojhilata navîn de, di vê mijarê de mînakek gelek balkêş e. Ji ber gelek şertên civakî, aborî û çandî û siyasî heya niha dewletek ku hemu Kurdan di bin banê xwe de wek ‘netewe’ bihewîne ava nebuye. An jî dîsa ji ber heman şert û mercan ligel hemû tevger û şerê sed salî li dijî dewletên ku di nav de dijîn, Kurdan dewletek ava nekirin e. Gelo ji ber ku nebune xwedî dewlet ew ‘hest’a netewî di nav Kurdan de xurt nebuye, an ji ber ku ‘hest’a netewî di nav wan de ne xurt e, nebune xwedî dewlet?

Ji aliyekî ve parçebûn û ji aliyên din ve -tiştekî bi vê yekê ve girêdayî- xwedîderketina berjewendiyên doh eşîrî, îro hizbî ku dinya Kurdan hinekî teng kirine nehiştiye ku Kurd bibin xwedî dewlet û ‘hest’iyên ‘netewî’ di nav wan de xurt bibin.

Dîsa jî mirov dive neheqiyê neke. Îro Kurd ne wek doh in. Li bakur tekoşîna zêdeyî seh salî bîr û baweriyek ‘netewî’ derxistiye hole. Li başur jî dîsa, di encama şer, tekoşîn û tevgera sed salî de nîv-dewletek hatiye avakirin. Pevajoya 3 salî ya Rojava jî hinek guhertin li rojavayê Kurdistan çêkirine. Dîsa jî wexta mirov ji derve ve li Kurdan dinere û tiştên ku hatine serê wan dibîne hinekî li ber rewşa wanî îro ecebmayî dimîne. Mirov difikire ku, Zîlan, Dersîm, Helebçe, Enfal û ên dawî Şengal, Kobanî ji zude gerek Kurd ji îro zêdetir gihandiba hevdu, ev nêzîkî hevdu bikirane. Lê hîna jî ew ‘hest’ di nav Kurdan de negihiştiye wê astê.

Ya herî balkêş ewe ku partî û rêxistinên Kurdan bixwe li ber vê geşbûna ‘hest’a ‘netewî’ astengin. Ew di nav siyaseta rojane de ji bo pêşxistina berjewendiyên xwe tevdigerin. Li ser navê rexnegeriyê, parastina berjewendiyên xwe dikin û kesên ku bi fikir, raman û ‘hest’ nêzîkî hevdu dibin jî ji hevdu dur dixin.

Di vî warî de tenê mirov li buyerên Şengal û Kobanî û tiştên ku partî û rexistinên Kurdan di derbarê van buyeran de li dijî hevdu gotine, di medyayên xwe de belav kirine binere bes e. Ji aliyekî ve di gotinê de herkes behsa ‘yekîtî’yê dike, lê di pratîkê de li xwe nanehin ku werin cem hev û du xeberan bi hevdure parve bikin. Pêvajoya lidarxistina ‘Kongreya Netewî’ mînaka herî berçav e.

Daxuyaniya poîtburoya YNK-ê an jî bi navê xweyî kurt ‘Yekîtî’ jî mînakeke din î herî balkêş e. Weku kut ê zanîn, berî bi çend rojan Serokatiya Herema Kurdistan diyar kir ku alikariya çekan ji berxwedan û berxwedêrên Kobanî re hatiye rêkirin. Piştî vê daxuyaniyê ne bi gelekî ew daxuyaniya YNK-ê li ser pukmedia.com hat belav kirin. Li gor vê daxuyaniyê alîkarî ji hêla YNK-ê ve hatibû şiyandin, ne ji hêla Herema Kurdistan (http://www.pukmedia.com/EN/KK_Direje.aspx?Jimare=17283). Ev daxuyanî gelekî hat rexne kirin, heta kesên wek Kosret Resul gotin ku haya wan ji daxuyaniyek wiha tuneye. Lê Daxuyanî hîna jî di malperê de dikare were dîtin. ev ne tenê daxuyaniyek e, lê careke din hewldaneke bidestxistina feydeyên sîyasî ji mijarê ye.

Herçiqasî peşmergeyên partiyên Herema Kurdistan ji hev cuda bin jî-ku ev yek bi serê xwe di mijara ‘netewebûn’ê de pirsgirêkeke mezin e- Wezareta Peşmerga di destê YNK-ê de ye, YNK di nav hikumeta Kurdistan de bi awayekî cih digire. Loma daxuyaniyek bi vî rengî, ango bilêvkirina ku alîkarî tenê ji hêla partiyekê ve hatiye kirin tê wateyê ku YNK n jî potütburoya YNK-ê xwe di nav wê ‘yekîtî’yê de nabîne.

Ev yek careke din dide berçava ku Kurd di rewşa herî xirab de bin jî ji bo rexistin û partiyên Kurdan ya herî girîng ew e ku berjewendiyên xwe derxin pêş, ji vê rewşê tiştekî siyasî bidestbixin. Di vê derbarê de mirov dikare bibeje ku YNK bi van daxuyaniyan bi awayekî dixwaze wundakirina hêza xweyî siyasî li himber PDK û Tevgera Goran bitewş bike û di vê têkoşîna sîyasî de piştgiriya PKK-ê bidestbixe. Hevalbendî di nav partiyan de di demokrasiyê de tiştekî asayî ye. Lê çûn û hatinên di nav partî û rêxistinên Kurdan de, nezîkbuna wanî li himber hevdu dide xuyakirin ku di nav wan de hîna jî ew ‘hest’a ‘netewî’ li gor ‘hest’a hizbî kêm e.

Buyerên trajîk gelek cara dibin bingehek herî girîng ji bo ‘netewebûn’ê. Geşbûn an jî vemirina wê bi serok, partî û rêxistinên û siyasetmedarên wan re girêdayi ye. Ji bo van çend mehên dawî mirov nikare rêxistin, partî û siyasetmedarên Kurdan di vî warî de serkeftî qebûl bike.

Diyarbekir

22.10.2014

*http://basnews.com/ku/Article/Details/-Neteweb-n----daxuyaniya-pol-tburoya-YNK--/1477

2 Ekim 2014 Perşembe

Ketina Kobanê Ketina Kurdan e!.

Piştî du rojan cejna Qurbanê ye, lê di vê erdnîgariyê de qûrbanê herî mezin Kurd in. Ji ber hinek nezanîbûna wan û ji ber hinek nokokiyên navxweyî her tim di nav şerê ‘navnetewî’ û lîstikên navnetewî de bûne ‘qûrban’..

Îro jî tê xwestin ku Kurd careke din di lîstika navnetewî de bibin qûrban. Her çiqasî li qada şer de ev celladê ku kurdan bike qûrban Devleta Îslamî (an jî wek ku Kurd bi nav dikin DAÎŞ) were xuyakirin jî herkes dizanê ku hevsarê wan di destê hineke din de ye.

Êrîşên ku pêşî li Şingalê destpêkirin îro bi rengekî din û dijwartir li rojavayê Kurdistan, li Kobanê tê ceribandin. Her çiqasî li Şingalê Êrîşên li dijî Kurdan bi hevkariyek di navberan Peşmerge û Gerîla de hatibin pûç kirin û qewiriandin jî di encamê de ku ji hêla Kurdên Êzîdî wek fermana 73-an tê binavkirin, bi sedhazaran Kurdên Êzîdî mecbur man ji cih û warê xweyî hezar salî koçbikin û bibin koçber. Şingal hat vala kirin û îro buye qada şer.

Kurd îro li Kobane li beranberî heman tiştî ne. Armanca êrîşkaran ew e ku Kurdan careke din koçber bikin, cihÊn wan bikin qadên şer û hemû deskeftiyên wan ên li Rojava binpê bikin. Wan careke din di rojhilata navîn de bê statû, bê maf bihelin.

Êrîşên Devleta îslamî bi ser Kobanê de dikeve roja 18-an de. Ligel êrîşên asmanî ên ‘koalisyona navnetewî’ li himberê wan her roj hinekî din nêzîkî Kobanê dibin. Her sê aliyên Kobanê hatiye dorpêç kirin û gelê Kobanê di hundirê bajêr de bi rêveberiya YPG/YPJ-ê amadekariya şerê nav bajêr dike. Dibejin ku dê dev ji Kobanê neberdin û dê nehêlin Kobanê bikeve.

Bê gotin, bê çîrok dive mirov bizanibe ku ketina Kobanê, ketina Kurdan e! Her çiqasî tu deskeftiyên Kurdan ên ‘fermî’ tûnebê jî, ketina Kobanê dê bê wateya wundakirina hemû destkeftiyên Kurdan. Ketina Kobanê, bêhêzbûna ‘federasyona’ li Herema Kurdistan e, têkçûna ‘pêvajoya’ li bakurê Kurdistan û wundakirina destkeftiyên sê salên li rojavayê Kurdistan e.

Îro herkes dizane ku rojhilata navîn di pevajoyeke ‘vesazkirin’ê de derbas dibe. Lîstikvanên sereke dewletên navnetewî ne. Dewletên wek Tirkiyê jî dixwazin di vê ‘vesazkirin’ê de rolekê bigirin û tiştekî bi dest bixin. Loma, Kurd tev de jî dibe bi vê zanebûnê tevbigerin û di vê guhertinê de rolekê bigirin da ku bikaribin mafê xwe,  statuyeke xweyî ‘fermî’ bidest bixin. Ji ber vê yekê jî careke din Kobanê xaleke gelekî girînge. Ketin an serkeftina Kobanê ji bona vê yekê gelekî girîng e.

Ketin an Jî serkeftina Kobanê jî, ne bi êrîşên asmanî ên ‘koalisyona navnetewî’ lê bi ‘bihêzbûn’ an jî ‘bêhêzbûn’a Kurdan ve girêdayî ye. Kurdan, bi nelidarxistina kongreya netewî ‘neyekhêzbûn’a xwe şanî civaka navnetewî kirin û ew fersenda doh wunda kirin. Îro, careke din ev fersend bi ‘Kobane’ ketiye destê Kurdan. Ji ber ku, êrîşên bi ser Kobanê de êrîşên li dijî Kurdan tev e. Kurd, eger bikaribin ne yekîtî (ku ji bo Kurdan gelekî zehmete) lê ji hindikayî ve hevkariyekê di navxwe de saz bikin, dê di vê destpêka sedsala 21-mîn de bikaribin di rojhilata navîn de statuyek bidestbixin. ji ber vê yekê jî dive hemû ‘hêz’ên Kurdan, dev ji berjewendiyên xweyî ‘hizbî’ an jî ‘heremî’ berdin û bi awayekî tevlî berxwedana Kobanê, parastina Kobane bibin da Kobanê ango Kurd tev bi serkevin. Eger ev nebe dê Kurd careke din wek gelekî ‘bêhêz’ bê xuya kirin û di vê lîstikê de careke din dê têk biçin.

Kurd dive îro vê yekê ji bîr nekin, ketina Kobaê ketine Kurdan e, serkeftina Kobanê jî serkeftina Kurdan e. Dewletên derdorê vê yekê baş dizanin, lê gelo Kurd?..

Diyarbekir

02.10.2014

27 Ağustos 2014 Çarşamba

Some notes on Displaced Yazidi Kurds in Dohuk*

Yazidi is a syncretic religion of the Middle East and combination of different other Middle Eastern religions such as Zoroastrianism, Christianity, Judaism and Islam. They are native people of the Kurdistan region and also speak Kurdish. Yazidi is also believed to be the Kurdish religion before Kurds have converted to Islam.  Their number were high but got less and lesser in centuries because of the pressure and cruelty against them. They were mainly living in Sinjar (Shengal) region and around when ISIS militants attacked their region on the 3rd of the August and they had to flee from the region leaving almost everything behind themselves. Because when ISIS attacked they either had to convert to Islam or were being killed, a destiny that many of them faced. They had to flee not because they wanted to save their life but also to save their children from being  kidnapped and wives and girls from being kidnapped and raped. As one of them said;

Some displaced people are living in the parks!
“We run away not to save our lives but to protect our honour, because they [ISIS] were kidnapping our girls and women”.

The first days, news released from the region were not clear and controversial. Peshmerga forces who were supposed to protect and save the region and the people had withdrawn from the region and the people, without even warning them. Other Kurdish forces in Syria and Iraq, People Defence Units and PKK guerillas had gone the region and started to fight ISIS militants.  Hundreds of people have been said to be killed and many women were kidnapped to be sold in bazaars as slave. Hundreds of thousands Yazidi Kurds had to flee to Kurdistan Region’s cities such as Duhok and its districts mainly Zakho and around.

To see what happened there and how the situation of the displaced Yazidi Kurds was, I and another friend who is also photographer (Zülküf Mavlay, also from Wephotos) went to Arbil, Makhmur and then Dohuk. Displaced Yazidi Kurds mainly had to flee to Dohuk and around, so we did not see any of them but Christian people who also had to escape from ISIS attacks and had to live in the churchs and schools mainly in the Christian region, Ankawa, in Arbil. We went to Saint Maria Church to see them, observe their conditions, talk to them. We were told that there were around six thousands displaced Christian people trying to live in the hard conditions in the yard of the Church and school next to church and some unfinished buildings.  After visiting Makhmur we left Arbil to go to Dohuk. As soon as we entered the city, we saw displaced people everywhere, and also faced with the result of the war.

They are worried about the coming days...
Nevaf Xelîl (39), Cemal Xwedêda (36), Yusif Pîr Hacî (42), Xêrp Şeref Sebrî (50), who were from Sinune, Dihola and Girzerih villages living with their families in the park next to one of the main roads. They used the blankets which were given to them by local people as a cover for their living areas. They were provided with water, food, blankets mainly by local people. They tied blankets to trees to make a ‘bathroom’ both for washing their clothes and bathing.

Bathroom..

Bathroom, covered with blankets..
They are very angry at Peshmerga forces controlling the area for their withdrawing without warning them.  ‘The name of Pehmerga was very big but they [who withdrew] made it small” one of them said. They also appreciated guerillas of PKK and YPG for coming and fighting for them and then helping them to escape from the war area. They first had gone to Syrian Kurdish area (known as Rojava in Kurdish) via the corridor opened by both YPG and Peshmerga forces and then to Kurdistan Region in Iraq.

They called the attacks and the whole process the 73th  ‘Imperial order’, or ‘ferman’ in both Kurdish and Turkish, when they start to talk about the day attacks started. They said that they have undergone 72 ‘ferman’ until now, and this is the 73th one. In each ferman they faced with almost the same cruelty, so the fear, anger and sorrow for the relatives they lost could be seen from their eyes when we talked with them.

Men were sitting around, thinking about what they were going to do in the coming days, while women were busy with the ‘house’ works, and children playing around. We left them in their place and went to search the other displaced people in Dohuk. 


In an unfinished building next to main road, there were some people. They were also from Shengal and around. Ten families, 70 people were there, trying to live in hard conditions again. It was near to Sharia, a Yazidi village. The owner of the building let them stay there and the people around also brought them food, beds, blankets and water and other supplies.
Two brothers with their families sheltered in a unfinished building...
Berekat Osman (66) and Reşo Osman (50), two brothers from Borika village in the Shengal region. Their story is similar to others’. They first had to flee to the mountain and then to Rojava and back to here, Dohuk. Their 70- years-old sister couldn’t survive and died from thirst while they were trapped in the mountains. But still they want to go back someday, if it is secure, because they still have their homes there, and some relatives in the mountains.

In the shadow of a school, their 'new' home...

Our next stop was an elemantary school in Semeel district which was a house for 330 displaced Yazidi Kurds, then.  There were some men sitting in the shadow in the schoolyard. Salih Sileman Reşo (Mam Salih) welcomed us. We sat there listening to him about all what they had suffered, before we went inside and observed their conditions. He told us what happened on the 3th of August in detail and also told us that their Arab neighbors had betrayed them, cooperating with ISIS militants and plandered their havings. He was hopeful though, telling us that that also would pass and Kurds would see the good days;
Mam Salih is keeping his hope about future...

“We are in difficulties now, but we hope from God that not only we but all Kurds and Kurdistan will be free from this difficulties. We don’t loose our hope, after difficulties, there is easiness”.

Each class is a home for families..
All the ‘classes’ of the school were full of the people. Still they felt ‘lucky’ compared their conditions with the ones living in parks. Men were sitting and talking, and women again were 
doing ‘houseworks’, and children playing around. Most of them want to go back to their ‘home’, villages, be with their relatives, but in secure conditions. However, the fear could be seen in their eyes, too, and some of them wanted international powers to help them, some said that they did not want to live there anymore and wanted to move to European countries. The ‘responsible’ of the school Faris Salih (37) insistently told us that they wanted to go back if only there was secure;

“We want to go back, only if there is a security. If Shengal has its power itself and it is supported by Kurdistan Reginol Goverment and European Union we will go back, if not we won’t, because we are afraid”.

Children wanted to have their photo be taken, unaware of
what happened...
Children were around us wanted to have their photos to be taken. We took some photo of them, and said good bye to all, our heart was full of sorrow, but we still wanted to be hopeful like Mam Salih was…

General Mayor of the Dohuk City, Shevket Mihemed Emin Osman.
According to Şevket Mihemed Emin Osman, general mayor of Dohuk city, the number of displaced people in whole Dohuk and districts reached up to 750 thousands, 400 of them are Yazidi Kurds, escaping from ISIS attacks. He was in the meeting with districts mayors and 
commitee when we visited him, and he told us 
that they also did not know the exact number of 
displaced Yazidi Kurds. He also told us that 
all the schools and ‘empty’ buildings were full, 
then, and they had a commitee to get over the situation. He also said that they divided the Dohuk city itself in 12 parts and there is a responsible from the commite for each part to provide displaced people food, water, clothes and beds. He is responsible for providing 6 thousands people’s needs and also said that all the provision comes from Kurdistan Regional Goverment and local people.

                   

























16-17.08.2014 Arbil-Dohuk/Kurdistan.

*For a Kurdish version of this article /Ji bo versiyona vê nivîsê ya bi Kurdî: http://basnews.com/ku/News/Details/-Bi-w-ne--Kurd-n--zd---Eger-ewleh--hebe-em-d--vegerin/31388
-http://basnews.com/ku/News/Details/Hejmara-kocber-n--zd--li-Dihok--gehist-400-hezar-kesan/30811
-https://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.556702427791873.1073741841.420423798086404&type=1

Copyright: Necat KESKİN/wephotos